Aik Nazuk Aman – Choti Si Chhutti Jang Se

Subah ke thande October ke din, Islamabad aur Kabul ke officials ne ek kam-yab aur kam-dikhne wala amal anjaam diya: dono taraf ne baat karte rehne par ittefaq kiya.

Istanbul mein paanch din tak sakht guftagu, diplomatic walkouts, Turkish aur Qatari darmiyani kirdar, aur lagbhag tooti hui negotiations ke baad, Pakistan aur Afghan Taliban ne ceasefire ko extend karne aur uski ulanghna verify karne ke liye aik naya mechanism banane par razamandi zahir ki.

Duniya ke aksar ilaqon mein yeh mamooli diplomacy hoti, magar South Asia mein yeh khamoshi bhi taraqqi ke barabar samjhi jati hai. Pakistan ke defence minister ne isay ehtiyaat se “umeed ki kiran” kaha. Taliban ne bhi apni maruf zaban mein “azeem ikhtilaf ke bawajood izzat aur ta’awun” ki baatein ki.

Turkey aur Qatar ne khud ko mubarak di — aur haqq bhi tha, kyunke unhon ne do shakki humsayon ko ek hi kamre mein baithaye rakha. Magar sab se optimistic diplomats bhi yeh maan rahe hain ke yeh filhal “framework for peace” hai, aman khud nahi. Aur South Asia mein frameworks aam tor par asal zindagi ka pehla imtihaan nahi jhel pate.

Sarhad ka lamha-e-sukun

Yeh samajhne ke liye ke yeh chhoti si progress kyun ahmiyat rakhti hai, zaroori hai ke hum Pakistan-Afghanistan ke bechain ta’alluqaat ki buniyad samjhein.

2,640 kilometre lambi Durand Line, jo 1893 mein aik British afsar ne kheench di thi, dono mulkon ke darmiyan hamisha se tanazay mein rahi. Afghanistan isay kabhi poori tarah qabool nahi kar saka, jabke Pakistan isay international qanoon ka hissa manta hai.

Afghanistan, Pakistan ke wajood ke waqt se naraaz raha — usne 1947 mein Pakistan ki United Nations mein shamil hone ki mukhalfat bhi ki thi.

Purani siyasat, naye masail

Soviet invasion ke dauraan Pakistan ne Afghan jihad ko support kiya. Teen million se zyada Afghan mohaajir yahan aaye, aur humne mujahideen aur baad mein Taliban ko strategic gehraai ke liye istemal kiya. Magar jaise hota hai, yeh wafadari temporary nikli aur nateeje lambi muddat ke liye takleef-deh hue.

2001 ke baad Pakistan ne America ke sath alliance kiya, magar Taliban ke sath backdoor rishte barqarar rakhe — future ke liye ek “insurance policy” ke taur par. Jab 2021 mein Taliban dobara Kabul aaye, Islamabad ne samjha ke ab unka shukar guzari ka waqt hai. Magar Taliban hukoomat ne unki madad tasleem ki, lekin farman bardari se inkar kar diya.

TTP ne phir se sar utha liya, attacks barh gaye, aur Kabul ne hairat angez tor par India se rishtay behtar kar liye.

Istanbul talks – ek moqa ya fursat?

Is background mein Istanbul ke talks kisi sulah se zyada ek “pause” lagte hain. Pakistan ne sakht shartein rakheen: Taliban TTP ke khilaf wazeh aur irreversible action lein, use terrorist tanzeem qarar dein, aur verification ke liye bahar ka mechanism qabool karein.

Afghan delegation ne kaha ke woh TTP ke logon ko giriftar ya nikal denge, magar yeh Pakistan ka apna masla hai — “yeh Pakistani hain, hamare nahi.”

Dono taraf ka aik hi daira chal raha tha — har koi doosre ko masla samajhta hai. Turkey aur Qatar ki mediation ne in baaton ko thoda sambhal kar rakha. Dono taraf ko yaad dilaya gaya ke jang dono ke liye mehngi padegi, aur tanhai aur bhi mehngi.

Be-yaqeeni ki hawa

Pakistan ka khayal hai ke Afghan Taliban TTP ko panah aur ideologically support de rahe hain. Kabul samajhta hai ke Pakistan ab bhi unke andarun-e-mamlaat mein dakhal deta hai.

Dono apni bad-amni ka zimmedar doosre ko samajhte hain — aur dono thoda thoda sahi bhi hain.

Pakistan ke liye yeh masla foran hai: TTP ke hamlay barh rahe hain, economy kamzor hai, siyasat mutazad hai, aur fauj already puri tarah mashghool. China bhi CPEC security ke liye dabao daal raha hai.

Afghanistan ke liye bhi halat sakht hain: trade routes, fuel aur khurak ke liye Pakistan zaroori hai. Magar zyada takraav unke liye khudkushi sabit ho sakta hai.

Aman ya bas ek saans lene ka waqfa

Yeh truce asal mein aik majboori hai, muhabbat nahi. Dono taraf jang afford nahi kar sakte. Magar maazi yeh batata hai ke yeh raasta mushkil hai. Pakistan ne pehle bhi militants se mohaide kiye — Swat 2008, South Waziristan 2009, aur 2014 mein — lekin har dafa aman toot gaya.

Taliban ke sath bhi 2021 mein muskurahat thi, aur ab dhamkiyan hain.

Aman ke liye nayi buniyad

Agar yeh ceasefire waqai kuch badalna chahta hai to zaroori hai ke verification system transparent ho, independent ho, aur uski ulanghna par nateeja ho.

Economic incentives — jaise trade, energy aur transit cooperation — aman ko mazboot kar sakte hain. Saath hi China, Iran, Russia aur Gulf states ka pressure bhi zaruri hai, kyunke unka bhi is sarhad ke sukoon mein faida hai.

Sab se bari zimmedari Taliban par hai. Agar woh haqeeqat mein sovereign hukoomat banna chahte hain, to unhein apne mulk se un groups ko khatam karna hoga jo humsayon par hamlay karte hain.

Nateeja – Aman ka ek lamha bhi qeemati hai

Istanbul ka mohaida filhal aik chhoti si jeet nahi, balki aik moqa hai — ek chhoti si saans lene ka. Uski kamiyabi ka ta’alluq Turkey ke conference room se zyada Kurram aur Kandahar ke pahadon se hai.

Agar phir se goliyan chalti hain, to yeh mohaida sirf aik aur nakami ka record ban jayega. Magar agar khamoshi qaim rehti hai, to South Asia ke liye yeh aik kamyab moqa hoga — jab tareekh dobara likhne ke bajaye, thodi der ke liye ruk gayi.

Filhal, bandookein khamosh hain, diplomats ne saans li hai, aur sarhad ko aik chhoti si “intermission” mil gayi hai.
Is ilaqe mein jahan geography ghaltiyan maaf nahi karti, wahan aman ka aik pal bhi qeemat rakhta hai.